Instead, we are subsidizing the GDP of other countries, primarily Latin America, but including China and India, via remittances. In this article, I will offer a window to the vast seas of people we have accepted into our country, where their money is going, and finally, I suggest how this outflow might be reversed while maintaining our generosity and charity as a proud nation with targeted and mutually beneficial foreign aid goals.
Let’s start with Latin America. Since the 70s, the largest share of immigrants to the United States has been from this region.
There are 40 million people of Mexican origin in the U.S. ~28.5% of whom, or 11.4 million, were born in Mexico. Another 12-13.6 million are their children. A quarter of all Mexicans live in the United States. (See more in the CIS Foreign Born Population Report here.)
According to Bank of Mexico data collected by FAIR here, in 2024, $62.5 billion was sent via remittances from the U.S. to Mexico. California and Texas sent $20.4 billion and $9 billion respectively.
Meanwhile, the Center for Immigration Studies found that 70% of Hispanic immigrants are on welfare.
Although we receive the most immigrants from Mexico, the United States is also home to 10% of all Guatemalans. There are more than 2 million Guatemalans in the US. 65% of whom, or 1.3 million are foreign-born. Another 740k are their children. 77% of immigrant, non-citizen Guatemalans are on welfare. Remittances to Guatemala make up 27% of their GDP.
(Image created with the interactive data from the World Bank website here.)
You can view the interactive Remittances, Received (% of GDP) Calculator at the World Bank website here and try it out for any country. 27% of Honduras’ economy is remittances. 25% of El Salvador’s GDP is remittances. And 27% of Nicaragua’s GDP is remittances. 80 – 83% of these, (22% of Nicaragua’s GDP) $6 billion, comes from the U.S. 12% of all Nicaraguans live in the united States—about 850,000 people. 75% of households headed by a person born in Nicaragua utilize at least one major welfare program.
1.7 million Haitians, or ~12% of all Haitians live in the United States. A third of these, between 450k – 550k, entered under the Biden admin’s open border policies. 15 – 25% of the Haitian economy is made up of remittances from the US. And 53% of Haitians in the U.S. rely on welfare.
To recap:
- A quarter of all Mexicans live in the United States. 70% of Hispanic immigrant families rely on welfare.
- ~10% of all Guatemalans live in the U.S. 77% of whom rely on welfare.
- 12% of all Nicaraguans live in the U.S., and 75% rely on welfare.
- 12% of all Haitians live in the U.S., and 53% rely on welfare.
Remittances make up:
- 27% of the GDP of Honduras
- 25% of El Salvador’s GDP
- 27% of Guatemala’s GDP
- 25% of Nicaragua’s GDP
- 16% of Haiti’s GDP
This trend of subsidizing other countries via remittances is not limited to the U.S. either – Denmark sends $5 billion broad, Germany sends $24 billion, and Canada sends more than $13 billion.
However, we dug further and noticed this is not a phenomenon that can be attributed to all immigrants generally. Non-Western immigrants send significantly larger amounts abroad. For example, in 1975, 20% of Australia’s population was foreign-born. Most of these immigrants were British and European. At the time, remittances were only $222 million. However, in 2025, the foreign-born population exceeds 32%. Most newcomers are from China, India, and other non-Western countries. This is only a 12% increase in the foreign-born population, but remittances topped $12 billion.
In 2024, non-Brits were ~28% of Britain’s population and sent ~$12.27 billion in remittances abroad. Pakistanis in particular sent $4.4 billion back to Pakistan.
What can be done?
Requiring banks to verify citizenship for all customers is a relatively easy administrative decision the Trump Administration is already considering via executive order. Any measure that makes it more difficult to live a normal lifestyle in the U.S. will cut illegal immigration and make it more difficult for foreigners to send money home.
Next, we ought to revise the public charge rule and denaturalize those who would not have qualified.
According to Title 8, chapter 11, subchapter 2, part 2, section 1182 of the United States Code;
“Any alien who, in the opinion of the consular officer at the time of application for a visa, or in the opinion of the Attorney General at the time of application for admission or adjustment of status, is likely at any time to become a public charge is inadmissible.”
When this was added in 1994, one would think the wording was sufficient to exclude would-be immigrants who could potentially abuse the welfare safety-net we maintain for American citizens. Unfortunately, this was not the case, and Administrations have regularly re-defined what constitutes a “public charge.” For example, under the Obama administration, potential immigrants who would be reliant on Medicaid, food stamps, or housing benefits were not denied. Entire categories of immigrants not subjected at all to the public charge rule include refugees, asylees, DACA recipients, people applying for TPS, renewing green cards, those applying for citizenship, and women abused by their husbands. The Trump administration is once again re-affirming what constitutes a public charge.
However, given the history of administrative reversals, it’s important that these revisions are codified into law. Representative Randy Fine (R-FL) has proposed something like this in his No Welfare for Non-Citizens Act, and we would love to see it expanded retroactively to 1994 respecting the original intention of the Public Charge Rule.